On Wednesday 7 March, the Sunlive website posted an online survey asking: what is Tauranga’s most dangerous suburb? Early that evening, over 70 percent of respondents had, of course, ticked Merivale. This survey closely followed the tragic stabbing in Baycroft Ave the previous weekend. This was deliberate and is ambulance chasing journalism. We have been insulted by Sunlive labelling our community as dangerous, and we demand an apology.

Merivale is a community of 2,400 diverse people. It is a little browner than most Tauranga communities. It is little poorer than most Tauranga communities. You might be interested to know that it does not have any more crime than other Tauranga communities. We had some good news in the last week: we worked with Housing NZ to start a community garden; we are pleased with the new roundabouts put in by council that make our road safer; we are thankful to the Police for an operation to reduce tagging; lots of Merivale whanau took their kids to the Historic Village for Children’s Day. None of this was on the Sunlive website.

Sunlive, why not come and talk to us about how you can be involved in Merivale, instead of sniping from the outside.

Graham Cameron

It argues that tackling the biggest issues, from climate change to social inequality, needs to start with small conversations between friends and neighbours. By linking these small groups together we can sow the seeds for new social movements.

The pamphlet draws from nef’s experience of engaging with the public over the last decade. In addition to a thought provoking argument, it offers practical advice on how to create connected conversations.

From the executive summary:

“…transition cannot be achieved from the top down. It will require central and local government, businesses, communities and individuals
to develop their own understandings of sustainability and social justice and to debate and negotiate with each other about the way
forward. At the moment, however, there is no easy way to get this kind of debate to happen. Our social fabric is fragmented, and opportunities for debate are few and far between. There is little space for groups to deliberate about complex, pressing issues and even less space for them to share their views with each other. The internet is at best a partial solution: there is no substitute for face to face discussion.

…Unlike many forms of public engagement, connected conversations are not about settling issues or reaching consensus. They simply let citizens engage in public discussion with friends, family or colleagues in their existing networks and then link these discussions together. Rather than seeking to generate a collective decision, they reflect that tackling the biggest issues means making many small decisions and then finding the links between them. They are, in effect, talking shops – and we are proud to describe them as such.”

Download the pamphlet or get more information here

The government told owners of 55 properties last week that their homes or other buildings could be bulldozed to make way for its $1.65 billion Puhoi to Wellsford motorway. It was a tragedy for the owners.

But what if the motorway was also a tragedy for 1.4 million Aucklanders?

It could well be. The motorway will significantly distort development patterns, thereby blighting the region. It will help push urban development out to 85km north of Auckland’s CBD over coming decades.

This will exacerbate Auckland’s weakness as a sprawling city, with dire economic consequences. Worldwide evidence shows lower density means higher infrastructure costs, favouring private over public transport and a weaker network effect. People living and working closely together generate greater wealth than those spread out.

In fact, the government knew last year the motorway was uneconomic, according to the cost/benefit analysis done for it. Likewise, the Waikato Expressway and Wellington to Levin motorway were uneconomic under conventional analysis.

That was very embarrassing for the government. After all, the three projects account for almost half of its $11b, 10-year Roads of National Significance programme. And the analysis showed speeding up the projects, which the government promises, would reduce the benefits.

These were political problems it created for itself. It announced the seven roads in March 2009, nine months before it received the economic analysis. It didn’t like the analysis, so spent another seven months getting the answers it wanted, according to documents coming to light.

Transport Minister Steven Joyce is proud of the government’s work ethic. “No work had been done on this project prior to it being confirmed as a road of national significance last year so this is great progress,” he said last week when announcing the route for the first stage from Puhoi.

The government got its unwelcome news about its uneconomic road projects in the work it commissioned from SAHA, an Australian-based consultancy. SAHA’s December 2009 report, billed as its final one, showed the conventional cost/benefit ratio of the Puhoi to Wellsford project was 0.4, meaning for every $1 invested the return was 40c; the Waikato Expressway’s was 0.5 and the Wellington Northern Corridor 0.9.

These were very poor results, even by this conventional form of analysis which is notorious for underestimating costs (for example, the cost of owning and operating a vehicle on the roads is not included, neither is adequate analysis of the impact of rising fuel costs on road use); and the benefits are overstated (for example, vehicle emissions are deemed to fall thanks to free-flowing traffic, apparently delivering a saving in greenhouse gases versus vehicles stuck in traffic jams).

Moreover the analysis is very weak in its handling of induced growth – new roads create more demand so over time traffic slows, costs rise and benefits fall.

In total the ratio for the seven RoNS projects was 1.9 under the conventional analysis, thanks to the Victoria Park Tunnel and Waterview Connection in Auckland substantially bumping up the overall value. But under the accelerated programme the government is pushing, it fell to 1.5.

SAHA’s report, though, went beyond the conventional. It also drew on two other pieces of analysis commissioned by the government from Richard Paling Consulting and Infometrics. The Paling work attempted to measure the wide economic benefits (WEBs) of the roads from factors such as the investment and jobs they might trigger along their routes. This is new methodology internationally which is, as the SAHA report noted, subject to much debate about how to do it and use it.

Paling estimated the WEBs would lift conventional benefits by 65% in 2016, or by 40% discounted to net present value. By contrast, Infrastructure Australia says its WEBs are typically in the 20-30% range and it advises against adding WEBs on top of conventional ratios because there may be double counting.

Infometrics used a different methodology to try to measure the same wider economic benefits, coming up with a very wide range from none to high in different scenarios.

The WEB analysis, stacked on top of the conventional analysis against the warning of Infrastructure Australia and others, pushed the cost/benefit ratio up to 2.6 for the seven roads in total; Infometrics’ work ranged from no change over the base of 1.9 up to 3.8 combined.

Moreover, on every method of analysis the accelerated programme of road building pushed by the government suffered a decline in benefit compared with a longer build time. No surprise it never published the report. When the Green Party finally got hold of it through the Official Information Act it came attached with the warning no contents could be disseminated without the explicit permission of the government. Handily for this columnist, however, the government screwed up. Earlier, it had given a copy to a group fighting the Wellington Northern Corridor. A copy of that is one of the documents used for this article.

Finally in July the government published a revised version of the SAHA report. It says it and its consultants had refined their earlier work. Indeed. The conventional cost/benefit ratio for the accelerated build was now-level pegging with the longer timetable. Only on one measure that used the additional benefits analysis was it marginally ahead; three others were the same.

This means the government will add to its medium-term borrowing to fund the accelerated building without delivering any increased benefit. No wonder the prime minister has made a few off-the-cuff remarks in public that Finance and Infrastructure Minister Bill English isn’t as enthusiastic about the roads as some of his cabinet colleagues.

Moreover, the July version of the report removes or buries deep in its text many of the caveats about the analysis of WEBs; and it grossly misrepresents the analysis, contrary to the practices of Infrastructure Australia, by stacking it on top of the conventional analysis in tables and charts.

And, of course, the July version was purged of the detailed analysis of individual projects that made the final report in December such interesting reading.

Even so, the revised ratio for the seven roads has fallen on three measures, is static on one and has risen slightly on a fifth on the base case which was massaged much less than the accelerated build scenario.

Thus, it is possible the cost/benefit ratio for the Puhoi-Wellsford, Waikato and Wellington roads might have actually fallen in the revised analysis.

Cynics will say get over it. Governments cook the books all the time.

Actually, it matters hugely. Auckland, Wellington and Christchurch are trying to cope with growth. They have just elected mayors and councils who believe some of the solutions are more public transport and more compact urban forms.

In contrast, the government has said bluntly it believes the opposite is true. It sees the future as a continuation of the past – more roads, more sprawl. And it is investing $11b to deliver that, not only straining government finances to do so, particularly between 2013 and 2018, but also grabbing funding from local roads and other forms of transport and skewing the analysis against them.

Thanks to the Waikato Expressway and Puhoi to Wellsford motorway, urban and peri-urban Auckland will spread 150km from north to south in coming decades. Yet, there is no room to build any more roads through the Auckland isthmus. Thus the region has to have more public transport, particularly rail. But lower density induced by $3b of uneconomic road building makes the case for it even harder.

The only solution is for the government to come clean, park its road prejudice and sit down with our three biggest cities to discuss how we can do urban development much better. If it doesn’t, our shambling cities will be to the Key government what Think Big was to Muldoon’s.

My uncle, Mike Reeves, was born and raised in Waikawa, and tells me that in the mid-1940s, both sea and freshwater food was plentiful.

There was a swamp from the beach which supplied the whanau with lamprey eel and ordinary silver belly eel. This was also a breeding area for whitebait and thousands of baby flounder right across the Waikawa Pa foreshore.

In those days the people there were able to enjoy fresh flounder, scallops, cockles, pipi and tons of herrings and mackerel.

There was also a huge snapper area on the west side of the bay. In the bay itself there was plentiful blue cod, paua and kina.

The whanau were able to go to their beach to pick mussels, kopakopa and other kaimoana.

Then the Waikawa marina was dug out and land reclaimed by uplifting the seabed and filling in the beautiful swamp, which today only holds great memories.

The people have lost their source of natural, healthy sea and freshwater food because of marina pollution. Their scallops have shifted out of the bay into deeper water because of pollution. The only shellfish left – kopakopa – is way out in the bay.

Now Port Marlborough wants to shift this shellfish from where they have been for hundreds of years by extending the marina so more wealthy outsiders can moor their expensive toys there. Uncle Mike said: “The word is no!” And I agree.

When will local authorities stop listening to companies wanting to make money at everyone else’s expense and at the expense of the environment? They don’t care that our people are going hungry. The wealthy outsiders don’t care that they are mooring their expensive toys on top of seabed which has been stripped of its bounty.

The local authorities don’t care about the wishes of the locals or about the loss for future generations.

This is pure and simple greed and arrogance. It is time the people of Marlborough told the council, port authority and Waikawa Marina that money is not everything. Quality of life, a clean pristine environment, the ability to go to the beach and pick your own food, leaving a legacy of beauty and wonderful memories is so much more important.

I hope you support Te Ati Awa and Uncle Mike in their fight for a better, beautiful, bounteous Waikawa Bay.

Rahui Katene is MP for Te Tai Tonga. She is a member of the Maori Party.

Te Tai Tokerau (Northland)

• Te Tai Tokerau Whānau Ora Collective:
  Whakawhiti Ora Pai; Te Hauora O Te Hiku O Te Ika; Te Rūnanga O Te Rarawa; Ngāti Hine Health Trust; Kia Ora Ngātiwai
• Te Hau Āwhiowhio o Ōtangarei:
  Ōtangarei Trust; Te Puawaitanga o Ōtangarei Healthcare Inc; One Double Five Whare Roopū Community House Trust; CAPS Northland Inc, (Jigsaw North); Northland TV Charitable Trust (Channel North); Ringa Atawhai
• Te Pū o Te Wheke:
  Te Rūnanga A Iwi O Ngāpuhi; Te Kotahitanga E Mahi Kaha Trust; Hauora Hokianga Health Trust Ngāpuhi Iwi Social Services; Te Hau Ora O Kaikohe Charitable Trust; Whangaroa Health Services Trust; Te Rūnanga o Whaingaroa

Tāmaki Makaurau (Auckland)

• Ngāti Whātua o Ōrākei Māori Trust Board:
  Ngāti Whātua o Ōrākei Corporate Ltd; Ngāti Whātua o Ōrākei Health Services; Ngāti Whātua o Ōrākei Social Services; Ngāti Whātua o Ōrākei Marae Committee; Ōrākei Marae Social and Health Services
• Kotahitanga Roopū:
  Turuki Health Care Trust; Te Kaha O Te Rangatahi Trust; Huakina Development Trust; Papakura Marae Trust
• National Urban Māori Authority (NUMA):
  Te Whānau o Waipareira Trust; Manukau Urban Māori Authority; National Urban Māori Authority; Te Rūnanga o Kirikiriroa
• Pacific Island Safety and Prevention Project
• Alliance Health PHO:
  Te Pasefika Health Trust; Tongan Health Society; Auckpac Health Trust Board; Health Star Pacific Trust; Penina Health Trust

Waikato (Hamilton)

• Waikato-Tainui, Te Ope Koiora Koiora Collective:
  Hauora Waikato Māori Mental Health; Ideal Success Charitable Trust; JTP Consultants Ltd (Te Kotahitanga); Ngā Miro Health Trust; Raukura Hauora O Tainui Trust; Raukura Waikato Social Services; Solomon Group Education and Training Academy; Waahi Whānui Trust

Te Moana ā Toi

• Ngā Mātaapuna Oranga Primary Health Organisation:
  Kimiora Primary Health Care Services; Ngāi Tamawhairua Rūnanga Inc.; Pirirakau Hauora; Te Manu Toroa; Te Puna Ki Uta Ki Tai; Tūhoe Hauora; Waitaha Hauoranga Trust; Whaioranga Trust
• Te Ao Hou Whānau Ora Network:
  Te Ao Hou Trust; Toiora Health Centre; Ngāi Tai Iwi Authority; Whakatōhea Māori Trust Board; Whakaatu Whanaunga Trust; Tūhoe Mātauranga Trust (Te Kaokao o Takapau); Waimana Tāneatua Ruatoki Trust; Waikirikiri Marae Trust

Te Arawa (Rotorua)

• Tipu Ora Charitable Trust and Te Arawa Collective:
  Korowai Aroha Trust; Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Pikiao Trust; Te Utuhina Manaakitanga Trust; Te Kāhui Hauora Trust; Te Waiariki Purea Trust; Te Papa Tākaro a Te Arawa Trust; Te Roopū a Iwi O Te Arawa Charitable Trust; Aroha Mai Cancer Support Group Trust; Te Whare Hauora o Ngongotahā Trust; Tipu Ora Charitable Trust

Te Tairāwhiti (East Coast)

• Te Whare Maire o Tapuwae:
  Kahungunu Executive ki Te Wairoa Charitable Trust; Ngāti Pahauwera Inc,; Ngā Kaitiaki Hauora o Waikaremoana; Rongomaiwahine Iwi Trust Inc.; Wairoa Waikaremoana Māori Trust Board
• Tairāwhiti Collective:
  Te Rūnanga o Ngāti Porou; Ngāti Porou Hauora; Te Aitanga a Hauiti Hauora; Tūranga Health; Te Rūnanga o Tūranganui a Kiwa; Te Rūnanga o Te Whānau

Takitimu (Hawke’s Bay)

• Te Taiwhenua o Heretaunga
• Hawke’s Bay Hauora Collective:
  Te Kupenga Hauora – Ahuriri; Te Roopū Huihuinga Hauora; Central Health Ltd

Te Tai Hauāuru (Whanganui/Taranaki)

• Tui Ora Ltd and Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Inc:
  Piki Te Ora Nursing Services Ltd.; Te Hauora Pou Heretaunga; Te Rau Pani; Te Aroha Medcare Ltd; Manaaki Oranga Ltd; Tihi Ltd; Te Ihi Rangi Trust; Te Whare Puāwai o Te Tangata Trust; Raumano Health Trust; Karangaroa Inc Taranaki; Toiora Healthy Lifestyles Ltd; Tu Tama Wahine o Taranaki Inc.
• Te Oranganui Iwi Health Authority Primary Health Organisation

Te Whanganui ā Tara (Wellington)

• Te Rūnanga o Toa Rangatira Inc:
  Oratoa PHO; Oratoa Medical Centres; Oratoa Health Unit; Oratoa Dental Service; Rangataua Mauriora; Oratoa Residential Disability Service
• Hā O Te Ora O Wharekauri Trust
• Pacific Health Service Wellington & Teaomanino Trust
• Tākiri Mai Te Ata & Te Rūnanganui o Taranaki Whānui ki te Upoko o te Ika a Maui Inc.:
  Kōkiri Marae Health & Social Services; Mana Wahine; Nāku Ēnei Tamariki Inc (Māori Section); Tū Kotahi Māori Asthma Trust; Wainuiomata Marae; Whai Oranga o te Iwi Health Centre; Te Awakairangi (Hutt Valley) Provider Collective; Te Rūnanganui o Taranaki Whānui ki te Upoko o te Ika a Maui Inc.

Te Waipounamu (South Island)

• Pacific Trust Canterbury
• He Waka Kotuia o Araiteuru:
  Te Roopū Tautoko ki Te Tonga; Te Hou Ora Whānau Services; Tumai Ora Whānau Services; Tokomairiro Waiora Inc.; Kai Tahu ki Otago; Arai Te Uru Whare Hauora Ltd; ADA 2007 Ltd.
• He Oranga Pounamu:
  Ali’s Home Help; Arowhenua Whānau Services; He Waka Tapu; Hokonui Rūnanga Health & Social Services Trust; Kai Tahu ki Otago Trust; Maataa Waka Ki Te Tau Ihu Trust; Ōtautahi Social Services; Positive Directions Trust; Purapura Whetu; Rata Te Āwhina Trust; Te Awa O Te Ora Trust; Te Amo Health; Te Arawa Waka ki Ōtautahi Inc.; Te Mana Mauri Motuhake Kotahi Trust; Te Ora Hou Ōtautahi; Te Puna Oranga; Te Puna Whaihua; Te Rapana Trust; Te Rūnanga o Nga Maatā Waka Inc.; Te Tai O Marokura Health & Social Services; Te Whānau o Hokonui Marae Inc.; Te Puawaitanga Ki Ōtautahi Trust; Tokomairiro Waiora Inc.; Whakatū Te Korowai Manaakitanga Trust; Whānau Tautoko Charitable Trust; Waihopai Rūnanga; Uruuruwhenua Health; He Oranga Pounamu.

‘NO’ is not up for negotiation

As the Minister responsible for the Government’s response to family violence I have been pondering, how do we encourage courage. The courage to report what is happening to you – and the courage to hear the call, and do something about it.

A study released last week by Auckland University highlights that we still have some way to go to ensure that those living with domestic violence not only tell someone what is happening to them but then also take the next steps, to seek further help.

What this research tells us is that no matter how persistent the abuse, or how desperate the situation, sometimes maintaining the original decision to make the violence stop, is just too difficult at that time. Sadly forty percent of the women who took part in the study reported confiding in someone about the abuse but then did not receive nor seek any additional help to address the issues they are facing. As they say, once bitten, twice shy.

Family violence is a complex, intergenerational problem that requires a long-term and multi-faceted approach. There is no easy answer or one size fits all solution for dealing with family violence and while I believe there has been considerable progress I know that much more needs to be done.

The Taskforce for Action on Violence within Families was established in June 2005 and has achieved considerable momentum since its inception. It has brought key government and community agencies together to develop strong relationships and a commitment to work collectively to eliminate family violence.

We know that it is whanau and friends who people turn to first when they are living with violence. But what we have also identified, is that sometimes those closest to us simply don’t know how to help. They might tell us “when you say no; that is not an invitation for negotiation” – but then they feel helpless to know what the next step should be.

This is one of the reasons why we have launched the new ‘It is OK to help’ television campaign to promote information on the campaign website about how to help and where to find support.

Ultimately the solution to family violence lies in building whanau wellbeing and capability, drawing on whanau solutions that ensure the safety of family members.

The campaign is also a timely reminder that we can all play a role in addressing an issue which affects the health and wellbeing of our families, friends and communities by reaching out to help.

My visit to the Mother of Divine Mercy Women’s Refuge in Auckland yesterday reminded me the key to change is having a sense of hope, a self belief that you can change the situation for you – ‘if it is to be, its up to me’.

It was great to see those very brave women returning to the centre to help other women and a wonderful reminder that no one is alone even when it seems hopeless.

They also epitomise to me, the key to change lies not just in being aware, but in having the courage to take action, and to be supported to do so. This is where all of us can play a part in making family violence a part of a past that none of us want for our future.

Whānau Ora takes a whole-of- family approach that aims to reconnect and strengthen people and their whanau so they, themselves, can find real life solutions to improving their health and well-being.

The Honourable Tariana Turia, Minister responsible for Whanau Ora, will be presenting an update at 12 regional hui around New Zealand as per the schedule below. Her presentation will be followed by a joint one from the three Government agencies involved in the first stage of its implementation: Te Puni Kokiri, Ministry of Social Development and the Ministry of Health.

Each information hui will last for two hours with presentations followed by an open discussion. Community groups and people interested in finding out more about Whānau Ora are invited to attend. Full details of dates, times and venues are listed below.

Monday 10 May
10.30am-12.30pm
Kingsgate Hotel
100 Garnett Ave
Forest Lake
Hamilton

2.30pm-4.30pm
Rydges Hotel
Fenton Street
Rotorua

Tuesday 11 May
9.45am-11.45am
The Spire Pavilion
Cobham Oval
Okara Drive
Whangarei

2.30pm-4.30pm
Manurewa Marae
81 Finlayson Avenue
Manurewa
South Auckland

Wednesday 12 May
9am-11am
Tahuna Function Centre
70 Beach Road
Tahunanui
Nelson

2pm-4pm
Nga Hau e Wha National Marae
250 Pages Road
Aranui
Christchurch

Thursday 13 May
9am-11am
Ascot Park Hotel
Cnr Tay Street and Racecourse Rd
Invercargill

Friday 14 May
10am-12pm
Grand Central Hotel
42 Powderham Street
New Plymouth

Monday 17 May
8.30am-10.30am
Te Wānanga o Aotearoa
Todd Park
3 Heriot Drive
Porirua City

2pm-4pm
Gisborne Hotel
Cnr Tyndall and Huxley Roads
Gisborne

Thursday 27 May
9.45am-1145am
Shakespeare Room
HB Opera House
101 Hastings Street South
Hastings

Monday 31 May
10.30am-12.30pm
Function Centre
Whanganui Racecourse
Purnell St
Whanganui

In 2003 the Trust completed its trials, and has over the past five years launched a Community Free Bike Programme, distributing free recycled bikes to community groups and disadvantaged families in Wellington, the Earn a Bike Programme (where individual members of the public can earn a free bike through working in the Trust’s workshop), the Tertiary Rental Programme – a low cost sustainable transportation alternative for students – and the Business rental Programme for the Wellington region.

The New Zealand Green Bike Trust would like to replicate these programmes by setting up branches in Auckland, Hamilton, Christchurch and Dunedin with like-minded individuals and community groups with assistance from local councils and government agencies.

For more information and contact details visit their website.

A similar initiative exists in Palmerston North. Hosted by Massey University, the Palmerston North Green Bike Trust recycles used bikes and sells or hires out restored bikes. Demand for their refurbished bikes has grown to the point where it now outstrips supply.

About one thousand bikes a year are recycled with the main restriction being lack of supply of donated bikes. A restored adult’s bike costs $50 and a child’s bike $35 with the money going to cover costs such as mechanics wages. The Trust reaches further afield than just Palmerston North with donated bikes coming from as far away as Hawkes Bay and some restored bikes have been sent to the Pacific Islands.

You can contact the Palmerston North Green Bike Trust on 06 356 9099 ex 7105

This movement aims not only to ensure a community’s resilience against these challenges, but also to strengthen community relationships as people work together in initiatives such as community gardens.

Increased economic hardship, food security, and health concerns about industrial produce are all reasons why urban agriculture makes a lot of sense. On top of this, cities are most often built on places of fertile soil and readily available water, making them perfect sites for agriculture. There is no need for fertilisers, and organic waste can be used productively rather than sent into landfill.

So how can you get involved?

Wellington Community Gardens Network is host to several different Wellington Co-ops. For example, Common Ground is a garden in Island Bay that aims to “provide a space where Wellingtonians can learn about sustainable living, and how to practice examples of urban sustainability in their homes and neighbourhoods. We aim to be inclusive, accessible, relevant and welcoming, providing opportunities for people to work together and strengthen community relationships.”

Common Ground began in 2005 with just an empty field and has now grown to encompass a large garden space, fruit trees, a composting system, and a shed of shared tools. In addition to the large communal garden, there are small plots cared for by individuals.

Operation Green Thumb is a community garden initiative run by the Wellington City Council in council housing complexes, as well as in 3 public community gardens. Their website has information on how to get an individual plot, get involved as a volunteer, setup your own co-op, or just general gardening help.

So join your local initiative, or start your own!

Community gardening on church lawn space also helps build community resilience – preparing for upcoming challenges from a decline in cheap oil. In a small way it also begins to address one of my great sadness-es with our social services. Don’t get me wrong here. I love our social services. The more I have got to know the hearts of the people involved in running the Anglican Care and Anglican Action programmes the more impressed I have become. What makes me sad is that our professional social services (and they do have to be professional) must increasingly fill a gap that would once have been sorted out simply by a functioning healthy community. At one time if someone was hungry, lonely, struggling, needed budget advice, an advocate, or short term support, the community would rally around and support them. Not in every case at all times in any way needed, but certainly a lot more than now. We need our social services, and I am glad we are in a country with official safety nets, but making intentional steps towards re-energising healthy, resilient local communities may reduce some of their work load. Social services don’t let the rest of us off the hook. Community gardens in a myriad of forms, stretching through the back sections of suburbia, is a step in this direction.

However, there are church grounds gardens and church grounds gardens. If you dig over the church lawn, plant it out, then invite the community to come and take part, that is not really a community garden. It’s a church garden using the same attractional model we apply to our services. If we go and talk the community, our neighbours, local groups, the local Transition Town people and others already engaged in our communities, discuss our needs, offer the land, and dig the lawn over with the community, that’s a community garden. Both of these models are happening in various parts of the country at the moment. Both are better than lawn – but one is better than the other.

Justice isn’t about giving someone a fish, or teaching them to fish. But about asking who ownes the pond? Who makes the decisions? Who has the power?